via puerto rico - Google News on 2/7/13
 NPR |
'Don't Give Up On Us': Puerto Ricans Wrestle With High Crime
NPR Puerto Rico's population is declining. Faced with a deteriorating economy, increased poverty and a swelling crime rate, many Puerto Ricans are fleeing the island for the U.S. mainland. In a four-part series, Morning Edition explores this phenomenon ... 4 Puerto Rico policemen suspended amid evidence-planting probeWashington Post Puerto Rico Climbs Most in Year as Redemptions Rise: Muni CreditBloomberg Puerto Rican Lawmaker Says Airport Lease Will be Bad for IslandHispanically Speaking News Worcester Telegram all 9 news articles » |
via crime rates puerto rico - Google News on 2/7/13
Puerto Rico police urged to investigate gay man's death as possible hate crime
Washington Blade A Puerto Rican LGBT advocate continues to urge local authorities to investigate the murder of a gay hairstylist as a possible hate crime. El Nuevo Día reported on Thursday that Richard Soto Vélez, 20, confessed to killing Milton Medina Morales on Feb ... |
via murder puerto rico - Google News on 2/7/13
Puerto Rico police urged to investigate gay man's death as possible hate crime
Washington Blade A Puerto Rican LGBT advocate continues to urge local authorities to investigate the murder of a gay hairstylist as a possible hate crime. El Nuevo Día reported on Thursday that Richard Soto Vélez, 20, confessed to killing Milton Medina Morales on Feb ... |
via Videos by IH8MACS on 2/7/13
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Just some quick random clips from hang gliding in Puerto Rico.
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| Time:02:49 | More inTravel & Events |
via alejandro garcia padilla - Google Blog Search by Kevin Lees on 11/7/12
Alejandro García Padilla (pictured above), a Puerto Rican senator, narrowly defeated Puerto Rico's governor Luis Fortuño in Tuesday's Puerto Rican gubernatorial election and Fortuño conceded the race earlier this afternoon ...
via Opinión - El Nuevo Día on 2/7/13
UN GIRO RADICAL AL SISTEMA DE JUSTICIA
En medio de una crisis de seguridad, y con las peores cifras en el esclarecimiento y procesamiento criminales, todos los componentes del sistema de justicia -Policía, tribunales y Departamento de Justicia- deben dar un giro radical en su funcionamiento para lograr un clima de garantías que reemplace el clima prevaleciente de impunidad.La marcha de la intolerancia
ANTONIO QUIÑONES CALDERÓN Enfrentado a las incoherencias del liderato político, y de otras especies, que se daban de continuo en el debate público, mi maestro, Mike Santín, solía repetiPerlas
Mario Alegre BarriosYa lo he dicho antes: Twitter me roba la paz. No soy ornitólogo, pero estoy convencido de que el avecilla que identifica esa aplicación es todo menos una paloma: no es sosiego lo q
Somos estudiantes del Instituto Tecnológico de Puerto Rico (San Juan). Cada semestre enfrentamos el mismo problema y éste no es la excepción.
Se trata de los sobrantes de la beca federal Pell del semestre pasado (agosto-diciembre 2012) que aún no hemos recibido y tampoco se nos ha dado alguna explicación.
Hemos tratado de comunicarnos con la oficina de Educación Técnica y los resultados han sido infructuosos. Siempre tenemos que esperar hasta diciembre del semestre en curso para poder recibir dicho sobrante, que tampoco comprendemos porque ya que las demás instituciones del país las reciben a mitad de semestre.
Hay estudiantes que se graduaron en mayo del 2012 y tampoco lo han recibido. Lo poco que sabemos es que justifican su tardanza por el cambio de gobierno, lo que no cuadra ya que el gobierno actual entró en enero del 2013 y este dinero estaba supuesto a ser entregado no más tarde de diciembre del 2012.
Hemos creado una cuenta de correo electrónico, estudiantes_itpr@hotmail.com, para que por favor, alguien del Departamento de Educación nos dé una respuesta.
Apreciamos la atención a este asunto.
Karen Vázquez
Cataño
Se trata de los sobrantes de la beca federal Pell del semestre pasado (agosto-diciembre 2012) que aún no hemos recibido y tampoco se nos ha dado alguna explicación.
Hemos tratado de comunicarnos con la oficina de Educación Técnica y los resultados han sido infructuosos. Siempre tenemos que esperar hasta diciembre del semestre en curso para poder recibir dicho sobrante, que tampoco comprendemos porque ya que las demás instituciones del país las reciben a mitad de semestre.
Hay estudiantes que se graduaron en mayo del 2012 y tampoco lo han recibido. Lo poco que sabemos es que justifican su tardanza por el cambio de gobierno, lo que no cuadra ya que el gobierno actual entró en enero del 2013 y este dinero estaba supuesto a ser entregado no más tarde de diciembre del 2012.
Hemos creado una cuenta de correo electrónico, estudiantes_itpr@hotmail.com, para que por favor, alguien del Departamento de Educación nos dé una respuesta.
Apreciamos la atención a este asunto.
Karen Vázquez
Cataño
Nos sentimos complacidos y orgullosos con la producción de la Opereta Cofresí. Fue un espectáculo bien pensado con el cual la Universidad Interamericana de Puerto Rico culminó las celebraciones de su centenario. Así se “resucitó” la opereta que no se presentaba desde 1978 y la cual fue un trabajo arduo de muchos puertorriqueños, entre ellos Antonio Martorell, y que trabajaron con alegría para darle forma y cohesión a la partitura para poder llevar a cabo su presentación.
La música hermosa de nuestro Rafael Hernández estuvo bien instrumentada por la Orquesta Sinfónica dirigida por Roselín Pabón; el coro de voces, la escenografía, el vestuario, la luminotécnica que nos recordaba piezas de arte; las actuaciones, como por ejemplo el del personaje dominicano. Y, por supuesto, los cantantes Ilca López, Rafael Dávila, Guido Lebrón, y Elaine Ortiz Arandes son una muestra destacada de las voces que integraron los personajes. Todos estuvieron excelente. El libreto de Pablo Cabrera a partir de Gustavo Palés Matos y su dirección artística estuvo a nivel de las mejores operetas presentadas de cualquier teatro de prestigio.
Sabemos que volveremos a ver y apreciar la Opereta Cofresí por mucho tiempo para satisfacción de nuestra cultura puertorriqueña.
Zoé Corretjer Lloréns, P.h.D.
La música hermosa de nuestro Rafael Hernández estuvo bien instrumentada por la Orquesta Sinfónica dirigida por Roselín Pabón; el coro de voces, la escenografía, el vestuario, la luminotécnica que nos recordaba piezas de arte; las actuaciones, como por ejemplo el del personaje dominicano. Y, por supuesto, los cantantes Ilca López, Rafael Dávila, Guido Lebrón, y Elaine Ortiz Arandes son una muestra destacada de las voces que integraron los personajes. Todos estuvieron excelente. El libreto de Pablo Cabrera a partir de Gustavo Palés Matos y su dirección artística estuvo a nivel de las mejores operetas presentadas de cualquier teatro de prestigio.
Sabemos que volveremos a ver y apreciar la Opereta Cofresí por mucho tiempo para satisfacción de nuestra cultura puertorriqueña.
Zoé Corretjer Lloréns, P.h.D.
En singular se dice el ala; en plural, las alas.
Si aumenta el agua y la luz, pagaremos más IVU. Todos los almacenes, distribuidores, comercios utilizan agua y luz en sus operaciones, así que estos se verán afectados por el aumento y se lo pasarán al costo de los productos.
De estos artículos todos los que tengan que pagar IVU pagarán más porque serán más caros. Pagaremos más por el agua y la luz y, además, más IVU por el mismo artículo.
Hasta la gasolina subirá, aunque no pague IVU los distribuidores y estaciones utilizan energía eléctrica para poder venderla.
El precio de la taza de café, desayuno, almuerzo y comida de los trabajadores que tienen que comer fuera durante su día de trabajo también aumentará.
La Autoridad de Energía Eléctrica (AEE) y la Autoridad de Acueductos y Alcantarillados (AAA) tienen toda la razón, hay que aumentar el costo para cuadrar con los bonistas. Pero, ¿y el pueblo trabajador qué? Están pensando al revés.
Las soluciones responsables son aquellas que crean ahorros y evitan los aumentos. Ideas hay, lo que falta es implementarlas. Usar eficientemente estos recursos y dejar de dar excusas. No se requiere estudios, enmiendas, ni más leyes, lo que hace falta es acción. Pero, es más fácil subir las tarifas.
Francis Hayes
De estos artículos todos los que tengan que pagar IVU pagarán más porque serán más caros. Pagaremos más por el agua y la luz y, además, más IVU por el mismo artículo.
Hasta la gasolina subirá, aunque no pague IVU los distribuidores y estaciones utilizan energía eléctrica para poder venderla.
El precio de la taza de café, desayuno, almuerzo y comida de los trabajadores que tienen que comer fuera durante su día de trabajo también aumentará.
La Autoridad de Energía Eléctrica (AEE) y la Autoridad de Acueductos y Alcantarillados (AAA) tienen toda la razón, hay que aumentar el costo para cuadrar con los bonistas. Pero, ¿y el pueblo trabajador qué? Están pensando al revés.
Las soluciones responsables son aquellas que crean ahorros y evitan los aumentos. Ideas hay, lo que falta es implementarlas. Usar eficientemente estos recursos y dejar de dar excusas. No se requiere estudios, enmiendas, ni más leyes, lo que hace falta es acción. Pero, es más fácil subir las tarifas.
Francis Hayes
Es indignante cómo estos gobernadores se dejan manejar con ideas descabelladas y falta de respeto para este pueblo. ¿Cómo es posible que ante la criminalidad rampante, desempleo, la salud y la educación en precario, este gobierno hable de celebrar unos juegos panamericanos?
Señor gobernador Alejandro García Padilla no siga en lo mismo, vamos a resolver y darle prioridad a lo que hay que atender. No perdamos más el tiempo.
Luego aparecen hablando de trenes con el Secretario de Obras Públicas. Aquí sí que botaron la bola. No habrá notado este secretario que la agencia que dirige es un desastre.
Hay que poner en orden lo que tenemos y luego buscar alternativas para mejorar.
Jairo Vázquez
Arroyo
Señor gobernador Alejandro García Padilla no siga en lo mismo, vamos a resolver y darle prioridad a lo que hay que atender. No perdamos más el tiempo.
Luego aparecen hablando de trenes con el Secretario de Obras Públicas. Aquí sí que botaron la bola. No habrá notado este secretario que la agencia que dirige es un desastre.
Hay que poner en orden lo que tenemos y luego buscar alternativas para mejorar.
Jairo Vázquez
Arroyo
3527
1557
3213
2517
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via Primera Hora : Lo Ultimo on 2/7/13
Orden de juez federal expresa serias reservas sobre la capacidad económica del Gobierno de Puerto Rico para implementar las mejoras requeridas
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via El Nuevo dia : Noticias on 2/7/13
El Departamanto de Justicia de Estados Unidos y el gobierno de Puerto Rico tendrán hasta el 15 de febrero
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via El Nuevo dia : Noticias on 2/7/13
Dijo que estaba arrepentido del crimen que cometió mientras era trasladado a una celda en la Comandancia de Mayagüez
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via Puerto Rico Report by KG on 2/6/13
As immigration reform moves forward, Congress must act to reverse the legacy of infamous Supreme Court rulings that still trespass on Puerto Rico’s right of self-determination and equal citizenship
By Howard L. Hills*
I. Redeeming the promise of equality in America
As our fellow Americans in Puerto Rico enter the twelfth decade of a struggle for self-determination, a new potential setback has emerged, the irony of which would be almost as cruel as nine decades fighting overseas for democratic rights of foreign peoples that Puerto Rico is denied back at home.
It could be regarded as profoundly unfair and demoralizing for Puerto Rico if 11 million people who entered the U.S. unlawfully are given a path to full enfranchisement and equal citizenship rights, while the 4 million U.S. citizens of Puerto Rico remain disenfranchised in a less than equal citizenship status. How would Puerto Ricans explain that to their children?
How will anyone explain an outcome in which millions of non-citizens who enjoy many of the blessings of our way of life without first complying with our laws are given preferential treatment over our law-abiding fellow Americans in Puerto Rico in seeking equality? Who will explain how non-citizens unlawfully present in America will be fully embraced and integrated into American society before the tried, tested and true patriotic American families of Puerto Rico who have lived under the American flag lawfully for 114 years?
II. Allegiance and equality
Along with U.S. citizenship conferred in Puerto Rico by Congress in 1917 came the duty of allegiance that accompanies it. In America equality is the quid pro quo for allegiance. The denial of equality based on Puerto Rico’s allegiance to America is the corrosive legacy of the 1922 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of Balzac v. Puerto Rico.
Former U.S. Attorney General Thornburgh has called for the Congress and/or the federal courts to repudiate the obsolete imperialistic doctrine of the 1922 Balzac case, and mandate timely self-determination as a basis for action by Congress leading either to incorporation and statehood or independence for Puerto Rico.
Thornburg also has noted that failure to do so will be inconsistent with the very human rights principles regarding universal suffrage and equal rights the U.S. holds up in criticizing undemocratic regimes around the world.
III. The missing link in legal policy on Puerto Rico status
A milestone in the discourse on self-determination leading to equal citizenship for Puerto Rico was publication by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2007 of a brief history of American territorial law and policy in the Twentieth Century by former U.S. Attorney General Dick Thornburgh.
In “Puerto Rico’s Status: A Time to Decide,” Thornburgh’s thesis is that application of the imperialist legal and political model for territorial governance under the Insular Cases should have ended once Congress conferred U.S. citizenship in Puerto Rico back in 1917. At least that would have been the result if not for the 1922 ruling by the Supreme Court that deviated from nearly 150 years of anti-colonial American territorial law dating back to the Northwest Ordinance.
Thornburgh demonstrates that the paramount legal and historical significance of the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Balzac v. Puerto Rico is that the Court deviated materially from the line of earlier territorial law decisions known as the “Insular Cases.” Thornburgh argues that it perversely validates Balzac to simplistically denominate that ruling as one of the Insular Cases, thereby giving the false impression the 1922 ruling cogently and cohesively sustained the jurisprudence of those earlier territorial law cases.
To the contrary, the lead Insular Cases (DeLima v. Bidwell, Downes v. Bidwell, Dorr v. United States), each confirmed the authority of Congress under the Territorial Clause to govern non-citizens under the national protection of America and residing in overseas territories newly acquired from Spain but not incorporated into the union.
IV. A forgotten phrase is smoking gun proving Balzac case flaws
The most pronounced effect of non-incorporation is that residents of the territory are for the most part beyond the reach of the Constitution, except as provided by Congress under statutory territorial policy concocted on an ad hoc basis.
Thus, in Downes v. Bidwell the U.S. Supreme Court stated that unincorporated territory status was a temporary arrangement enabling the U.S. to govern the territory under the Territorial Clause until Congress conferred citizenship. Specifically, the court stated that, “… in the case of Porto Rico and the Philippines…the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants . . . shall be determined by Congress. In all these cases there is an implied denial of the right of the inhabitants to American citizenship until Congress by further action shall signify its assent thereto.”
In contrast, the court’s rulings in the Rasmussen case (Alaska) and the Mankichi case (Hawaii) held that upon coming under U.S. sovereignty a territory populated by U.S. citizens is incorporated, which ushers in application of those parts of the Constitution not applicable only to states, and integrates the body politic of the territory into the nation until full equal rights and duties of citizenship are achieved through admission to statehood.
Thornburgh was the first to argue that the Supreme Court’s ruling in the 1922 case of Balzac v. Puerto Rico was a radical departure from both the unincorporated territory doctrine of the Insular Cases as applied to non-citizens and the citizenship based incorporation doctrine of the Alaska and Hawaii cases.
Thus, Thornburgh was able to sustain his thesis that Balzac misappropriated the unincorporated territory doctrine of the Insular Cases, as it applied to non-citizens “until Congress…shall signify its assent” to citizenship. The Balzac court then wrongly applied that pre-naturalization doctrine of non-incorporation to Puerto Rico after Congress had naturalized the population and conferred citizenship on all persons born there in 1917.
The term “metaphysical purgatory” was recently used to describe Puerto Rico’s current status, but it is an understatement. Thornburgh has at times been more stark, calling territorial status under Balzac a “constitutional nowhere land.” But Ronald Reagan beat them both to the punch when he noted that as a territory Puerto Rico “…is neither a state nor independent, and therefore has an historically unnatural status.”
* Formerly lead Counsel for White House National Security Council on territorial political status affairs and U.N. decolonization proceedings; Former lead Counsel for political status treaty negotiations and economic development programs, U.S. Department of State. Views expressed are those of the author and no other party.
By Howard L. Hills*
I. Redeeming the promise of equality in America
As our fellow Americans in Puerto Rico enter the twelfth decade of a struggle for self-determination, a new potential setback has emerged, the irony of which would be almost as cruel as nine decades fighting overseas for democratic rights of foreign peoples that Puerto Rico is denied back at home.
It could be regarded as profoundly unfair and demoralizing for Puerto Rico if 11 million people who entered the U.S. unlawfully are given a path to full enfranchisement and equal citizenship rights, while the 4 million U.S. citizens of Puerto Rico remain disenfranchised in a less than equal citizenship status. How would Puerto Ricans explain that to their children?
How will anyone explain an outcome in which millions of non-citizens who enjoy many of the blessings of our way of life without first complying with our laws are given preferential treatment over our law-abiding fellow Americans in Puerto Rico in seeking equality? Who will explain how non-citizens unlawfully present in America will be fully embraced and integrated into American society before the tried, tested and true patriotic American families of Puerto Rico who have lived under the American flag lawfully for 114 years?
II. Allegiance and equality
Along with U.S. citizenship conferred in Puerto Rico by Congress in 1917 came the duty of allegiance that accompanies it. In America equality is the quid pro quo for allegiance. The denial of equality based on Puerto Rico’s allegiance to America is the corrosive legacy of the 1922 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of Balzac v. Puerto Rico.
Former U.S. Attorney General Thornburgh has called for the Congress and/or the federal courts to repudiate the obsolete imperialistic doctrine of the 1922 Balzac case, and mandate timely self-determination as a basis for action by Congress leading either to incorporation and statehood or independence for Puerto Rico.
Thornburg also has noted that failure to do so will be inconsistent with the very human rights principles regarding universal suffrage and equal rights the U.S. holds up in criticizing undemocratic regimes around the world.
III. The missing link in legal policy on Puerto Rico status
A milestone in the discourse on self-determination leading to equal citizenship for Puerto Rico was publication by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2007 of a brief history of American territorial law and policy in the Twentieth Century by former U.S. Attorney General Dick Thornburgh.
In “Puerto Rico’s Status: A Time to Decide,” Thornburgh’s thesis is that application of the imperialist legal and political model for territorial governance under the Insular Cases should have ended once Congress conferred U.S. citizenship in Puerto Rico back in 1917. At least that would have been the result if not for the 1922 ruling by the Supreme Court that deviated from nearly 150 years of anti-colonial American territorial law dating back to the Northwest Ordinance.
Thornburgh demonstrates that the paramount legal and historical significance of the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Balzac v. Puerto Rico is that the Court deviated materially from the line of earlier territorial law decisions known as the “Insular Cases.” Thornburgh argues that it perversely validates Balzac to simplistically denominate that ruling as one of the Insular Cases, thereby giving the false impression the 1922 ruling cogently and cohesively sustained the jurisprudence of those earlier territorial law cases.
To the contrary, the lead Insular Cases (DeLima v. Bidwell, Downes v. Bidwell, Dorr v. United States), each confirmed the authority of Congress under the Territorial Clause to govern non-citizens under the national protection of America and residing in overseas territories newly acquired from Spain but not incorporated into the union.
IV. A forgotten phrase is smoking gun proving Balzac case flaws
The most pronounced effect of non-incorporation is that residents of the territory are for the most part beyond the reach of the Constitution, except as provided by Congress under statutory territorial policy concocted on an ad hoc basis.
Thus, in Downes v. Bidwell the U.S. Supreme Court stated that unincorporated territory status was a temporary arrangement enabling the U.S. to govern the territory under the Territorial Clause until Congress conferred citizenship. Specifically, the court stated that, “… in the case of Porto Rico and the Philippines…the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants . . . shall be determined by Congress. In all these cases there is an implied denial of the right of the inhabitants to American citizenship until Congress by further action shall signify its assent thereto.”
In contrast, the court’s rulings in the Rasmussen case (Alaska) and the Mankichi case (Hawaii) held that upon coming under U.S. sovereignty a territory populated by U.S. citizens is incorporated, which ushers in application of those parts of the Constitution not applicable only to states, and integrates the body politic of the territory into the nation until full equal rights and duties of citizenship are achieved through admission to statehood.
Thornburgh was the first to argue that the Supreme Court’s ruling in the 1922 case of Balzac v. Puerto Rico was a radical departure from both the unincorporated territory doctrine of the Insular Cases as applied to non-citizens and the citizenship based incorporation doctrine of the Alaska and Hawaii cases.
Thus, Thornburgh was able to sustain his thesis that Balzac misappropriated the unincorporated territory doctrine of the Insular Cases, as it applied to non-citizens “until Congress…shall signify its assent” to citizenship. The Balzac court then wrongly applied that pre-naturalization doctrine of non-incorporation to Puerto Rico after Congress had naturalized the population and conferred citizenship on all persons born there in 1917.
The term “metaphysical purgatory” was recently used to describe Puerto Rico’s current status, but it is an understatement. Thornburgh has at times been more stark, calling territorial status under Balzac a “constitutional nowhere land.” But Ronald Reagan beat them both to the punch when he noted that as a territory Puerto Rico “…is neither a state nor independent, and therefore has an historically unnatural status.”
* Formerly lead Counsel for White House National Security Council on territorial political status affairs and U.N. decolonization proceedings; Former lead Counsel for political status treaty negotiations and economic development programs, U.S. Department of State. Views expressed are those of the author and no other party.
Mike Nova's starred items
Mike Nova's starred items
via crime in puerto rico 2011 - Google Blog Search by Jim Kouri on 2/5/13
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), working jointly with the Puerto Rico Crimes Against Children Task Force (PRCACTF), conducted the investigation that led to the arrest and subsequent ... of predatory crimes against children, HSI San Juan partnered with members of local, state and federal law enforcement, as well as local and state government officials and community leaders, to form PRCACTF in June 2011.
via crime in puerto rico 2011 - Google Blog Search by lisaparavisini on 2/6/13
Puerto Rico's population is declining. Faced with a deteriorating economy, increased poverty and a swelling crime rate, many citizens are fleeing the island for the U.S. mainland. In a four-part series, David Greene of National Public Radio's Morning Edition explores this phenomenon, and how Puerto Rico's troubles are affecting its people and other Americans in…
via Caribbean Business on 2/6/13
NPR takes a look at those who stayNational Public Radio is continuing to spotlight Puerto Rico’s falling populatio ...  |
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via puerto rico - Google Blog Search by unknown on 2/5/13
Life in Puerto Rico is tougher than ever. The U.S. territory popularly known as.
via puerto rico - Google Blog Search by unknown on 2/5/13
Puerto Rico has been a territory of the United States since the Spanish-American War. Under international law, territory means no sovereignty. Puerto Rico belongs to, but is not a part of, the United States of America.
via puerto rico - Búsqueda de blogs by José Peguero on 2/5/13
Santo Domingo. Un estadounidense de origen dominicano fue arrestado ayer tarde por la Dirección Nacional de Control de Drogas (DNCD) cuando intentaba tomar el Ferry para viajar a Puerto Rico, a bordo de una jeepeta ...
via Global Voices en Español » Inglés by Adriana Gutiérrez on 2/7/13
Este es el primero de una serie de artículos que describen los retos de la vigilancia estatal en Latinoamérica y las lecciones aprendidas en el Taller de Vigilancia Estatal de EFF en Río de Janeiro, Brasil.
¿Qué sucede cuando reúnes una mezcla de periodistas, tecnólogos, abogados por los derechos humanos, activistas por los derechos digitales y víctimas de vigilancia de todo el mundo en un salón, para cartografiar los problemas del espionaje electrónico? Lo que emerge es una historia complicada hecha de cantidades de historias complicadas. Cada participante trae su experiencia particular para hacer más grande el rompecabezas de la vigilancia. Visto como un todo, estas voces pintan un retrato de la vigilancia estatal que es mucho más contextual y diverso de lo que la mayoría pudiera imaginar. Más que nada, lo que se aprende es el rol crítico que tiene ese contexto —las historias políticas y conflictos únicos, esperanzas socioculturales y las legislaciones extranjeras y nacionales— en dar forma a cómo están siendo llevados los programas y prácticas de vigilancia estatal. Esto incluye a quién puede ser espiado y la capacidad de los ciudadanos de sortear esa vigilancia. A pesar de estas condiciones dispares, algunas prácticas de vigilancia son comunes en Latinoamérica y continúan apareciendo en contextos muy diferentes.
Con esto en mente, a finales del año pasado, varios miembros de Global Voices Advocacy asistieron al Surveillance and Human Rights Camp (Taller de Vigilancia y Derechos Humanos) de EFF en Brasil, que juntó la experiencia de diferentes elementos interesados en la vigilancia electrónica y esto es lo que hemos aprendido:
Vigilancia en contexto
Mientras la mayoría de los países latinoamericanoa tienen gobiernos electos por vía democrática, pocos tienen tradiciones de protecciones fuertes a la privacidad. La intensa inestabilidad política, guerras internas y regímenes militares han establecido por mucho tiempo la cultura de la vigilancia estatal en muchos países. Colombia, Perú, México, Paraguay y otros países centroamericanos han experimentado múltiples guerras internas: la guerra contra el terrorismo y la guerra contra el narcotráfico, por nombrar algunas. Estas guerras han creado un clima reaccionario y han engendrado una rápida expansión de la arquitectura de vigilancia. Del otro lado del espectro, países como Argentina y Chile han superado regímenes militares, pero no han enfrentados guerras de narcotráfico o conflictos de terrorismo igualmente intensas. Sin embargo, muchos de esos países, incluyendo Argentina, han instituido esquemas obligatorios nacionales de identificación y han almacenado la información en enormes bases de datos, abriendo las compuertas de los abusos a la privacidad. Esas bases de datos, que de por sí son fragmentos de los regímenes militares previos, están siendo “modernizados” actualmente para recopilar identificadores biométricos en varios países de la región. Las tecnologías de vigilancia han sido reformuladas [en] para silenciar jueces y voces de la oposición, demostrando la facilidad con que pueden ser abusadas para sortear el estado de derecho en cualquier nación democrática que carezca de revisiones y balances robustos.
Contextos distintos para aquellos con acceso a la tecnología
¿Por qué los gobiernos deciden vigilar a sus ciudadanos? ¿Qué limitaciones legales y salvaguardas han sido establecidos? ¿Se cumplen? ¿Cómo reaccionan y perciben los ciudadanos la vigilancia estatal? Las respuestas a estas preguntas depende, por supuesto, del contexto. Las realidades de cada país varían drásticamente. El problema puede ser dividido en contextos distintos para aquellos con acceso a la tecnología y para aquellos al otro lado de la división digital. Los activistas de la información y gente en poblados urbanos (bloggers, periodistas, en toda su extensión, compañías de noticias, activistas digitales) y los que trabajan en áreas rurales (activistas indígenas, activistas ambientales, periodistas rurales y comunitarios) han notado diferentes prácticas de vigilancia, tácticas y problemas —particularmente en áreas donde tienen lugar los conflictos por la minería y la extracción de recursos a gran escala. Muchos de los conflictos más violentos en Perú, México y Centroamérica ocurren en zonas rurales, a menudo en el contexto de la guerra contra el narcotráfico. La atención atraída intensifica el espionaje, principalmente debido a la ayuda extranjera agregada.
Desafiando la suposición de que vigilancia es igual a seguridad
En muchos contextos regionales, los civiles han aceptado nuevas medidas de seguridad bajo la idea falsa de que las medidas más intrusivas llevarán naturalmente a una mayor seguridad. En países como Guatemala, grupos de la sociedad civil hasta han abogado por leyes opuestas a las protecciones básicas de la privacidad, como la ley que exige el registro de teléfonos móviles. En México, varios grupos apoyaron fuertemente una ley de geolocalización que permite a las autoridades rastrear datos de ubicación sin una orden judicial. Los asistentes a nuestro Surveillance and Human Rights Camp acotaron que muy a menudo el público no desafía la vigilancia del gobierno y del sector privado que se lleva a cabo y muchos simplemente aceptan estas actividades sin cuestionarlas.
El papel de Estados Unidos en las tecnologías de vigilancia en LatinoméricaPor varios años, la Agencia de Control de Drogas de EEUU (DEA) ha estado facilitando cooperación a los Estados latinoamericanos para fortalecer el cumplimiento de la ley y los esfuerzos de la agencia de inteligencia para combatir el narcotráfico. Esta asistencia en tecnología de vigilancia ha estado implicada en abusos de poder. Por ejemplo, el gobierno colombiano espió ilegalmente [en] a oponentes políticos y activistas por los derechos humanos en lugar de capos de la droga. El escándalo de “Las Chuzadas” surgió debido a los abusos a la privacidad, en 2009, del ex presidente colombiano Alvaro Uribe y la agencia de inteligencia de Colombia (DAS). Como resultado, el ex director de la agencia de inteligencia de 2002 a 2005, Jorge Noguera, fue sentenciado a 25 años de prisión por espionaje ilegal a activistas políticos y colaboración con los escuadrones de la muerte paramilitares.
Los cables diplomáticos filtrados de EEUU [en] arrojaron luz sobre el programa de vigilancia de las comunicaciones de la DEA. En los casos de Paraguay y Panamá, el gobierno estadounidense fue presionado para permitir el uso de estas tecnologías para espiar grupos de izquierda en operaciones no relacionadas a las investigaciones de narcóticos.
El contexto juega un rol principal en definir cómo son manejados los programas y prácticas de vigilancia estatal. Mientras existen muchas diferencias, algunas prácticas de vigilancia son comunes en la región. La ayuda foránea de EEUU para la vigilancia, dirigida a combatir el crimen, ha sido utilizada para prácticas que llevan al abuso. Luego estaremos escribiendo acerca del rol de externalizar la actividad policial.
Escrito por Katitza Rodriguez · Traducido por Adriana Gutiérrez · Ver post original [en] · Comentarios (0) Compártalo: Meneame · facebook · twitter · reddit · StumbleUpon · delicious · Instapaper
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We give you the full briefing on Obama, Brennan and the drone issue: http://blogs.ft.com/the-world/2013/02/in-the-picture-obama-brennan-and-the-drone-issue/
Photo by Getty
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Photo by Getty
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pls subscribe for updates and breaking news.-this video shocked me! Puerto Rico has 3.7 million residents, a storied capital, more than 300 miles of stunning coastline, an average temperature of 80 degrees Fahrenheit -- and, in 2011, a homicide rate more than five times that of the mainland US and higher than that of Mexico. It badly needs federal help to curb this drug-fueled violence. But so far, the US government is treating Puerto Ricans as if they were second-class citizens. Geography is partly to blame for Puerto Rico's plight. If Mexico had the misfortune to be, in the late Mexican dictator Porfirio Diaz's words, "so far from God, so close to the United States," Puerto Rico's bad luck is to be so close to South America and to the southern US It is an ideal transshipment point for illegal narcotics in the Americas. And with open ocean between it and Africa and Europe, it's a good point of departure for illicit shipments to those two continents. As the US and Mexico have cracked down on the drug trade, traffic has shifted to the Caribbean. The National Drug Intelligence Center reports that cocaine seizures along sea routes between Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands more than tripled between 2009 and 2010. Plenty of the stuff is still getting through: The price of cocaine in the area dropped by roughly one-third between 2008 and 2010, suggesting there is no lack of supply. Upward of 80 percent of what arrives by plane or boat goes on to the eastern United States <b>...</b>
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Puerto Rico police urged to investigate gay man's death as possible hate crime
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