Saturday, June 29, 2013

Puerto Rico Rolling Out The Welcome Mat For Millionaires - NPR

Puerto Rico Rolling Out The Welcome Mat For Millionaires

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A few weeks ago, Alberto Baco Bague arrived in New York for a roadshow of sorts. In just 48 hours, Baco, Puerto Rico's secretary of economic development and commerce, met with more than 30 hedge fund managers, investors and others who could be classified as very well-off.
His mission might seem quixotic at best: trying to convince these well-heeled New Yorkers to uproot themselves from Manhattan and relocate to Puerto Rico. But he says they are starting to come.
For Baco and the Puerto Rican government, the benefits of injecting more rich people into the island are clear. "We are a poor island, and this is our way of developing [and] developing employment in Puerto Rico. We are very serious about that," he says.
Baco has an enticing carrot for the investors. Under laws enacted in 2012, when someone moves to the island, all of that person's investment income, like capital gains, dividends and the like — is completely tax-free. Plus, service income — say, a hedge fund's management fees, is taxed at just 4 percent. And, as it is for all Puerto Rico residents, there's no federal income tax.
Occasional Visitors Need Not Apply
The catch is that you can't just set up a post office box and call yourself a resident. You have to move for real. Like Damon Vickers has.
"I love it. I love Puerto Rico, I love the climate, I love the people, I love the energy of the place," Vickers says, sitting by the pool at the La Concha resort in Puerto Rico's capital, San Juan.
Vickers moved his hedge fund and his family here from Seattle earlier this year. He had been eyeing the U.S. Virgin Islands for a move, but then caught wind of Puerto Rico's new tax benefits. For him, it's about simple math.
"I like making money. And we want to go to a place where our money is treated the best, so we might benefit ourselves, and we might also benefit our investors," he says.
His friends in the investing world are watching closely to see how he fares. Many are unaware the island even has a financial district, much less modern highways and shopping malls. Once they learn more, many worry about the crime, including a murder rate six times the U.S. average.
And, given its gritty reputation, word hasn't gotten out that the wealthy can live well in Puerto Rico.
Paco Diaz, with Trillion Realty Group, the local affiliate of Christie's, is among those trying to convince them. Picking them up in his late-model BMW SUV, he takes investors around tony neighborhoods like Condado on the San Juan beachfront, pointing out homes selling for millions.
He shows off resort hotels, new condo buildings and high-end stores along a segment he says many call "the Puerto Rican version of Fifth Avenue." New York's storied shopping strip doesn't have anything to worry about, but one block here does feature Louis Vuitton and Cartier.
To take advantage of the tax breaks, the rules say you must live in Puerto Rico at least 183 days a year and prove that you're really part of the community. Your spouse must live with you, and your kids must go to local schools. Some of the best, like the private Saint John's School, are just feet from the ocean, which Diaz uses as a selling point. He points out students attending a surfing school behind him. "They just go across the street with their surfing boards to catch some waves," he says.
If the city life is not to the investors' liking, Diaz takes them to the suburb of Dorado. It's a gated community on steroids. Past its guards, you'll find lush palm trees, golf courses, private beach clubs and a water park. A few nights at the Ritz Carlton resort here costs about what the average Puerto Rican makes in a year. Singer Ricky Martin lives around the corner.
Diaz's colleague Coco Millares says the tax incentives are already boosting her business. "We have had, since they passed the law, much more interest in Dorado than we had before," she says.
Hoping To Boost A Weak Economy
But back in San Juan, few residents had even heard of these tax breaks. When told the details, their reactions were mixed. One thought it could bring some much-needed money to the island. But others, like restaurant worker Estefania Colon, were resentful that locals pay taxes while the newcomers are exempt from many of them.
"They're already rich, and they're making more money from us?" she says.
Tax incentives are nothing new to Puerto Rico. For decades, tax breaks brought manufacturing and pharmaceutical firms to the island. But many incentives have been phased out, and some officials believe that's one reason the island's recession has been so deep. Unemployment is nearly 14 percent, and the average income is about half that of Mississippi.
The hope is that a few super-rich people will help turn some of that around and beef up the service and financial sectors, while also buying real estate, eating at restaurants, hiring locals and, eventually, maybe even invest their own money in big projects on the island.
The zero percent tax on investment income, and the 4 percent corporate tax, went into effect at the start of 2012. The goal is for 500 wealthy investors to come in the next four years. So far, 77 have applied.
The investment tax breaks are guaranteed until 2036. Only congressional action — or granting Puerto Rico statehood — would put a stop to them. But while some say this is just Puerto Rico becoming the latest tax haven, there has been little serious opposition.
Mauro Guillen, a professor of international management at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School, says Puerto Rico officials are being a bit optimistic about the direct effects.
"It is not going to create a major migration to Puerto Rico," Guillen says. The biggest boon could be indirect, he explains. Even if just a few people move, it could change the conversation about the island.
"Puerto Rico will be making the headlines. It will be perceived as a location where you should do business in," Guillen says.
Lawyer Fernando Goyco, who advises many of the investors, says in his practice, it's millionaires, not billionaires, who are showing the most interest in moving for the tax deal. That could be a good thing for Puerto Rico, he says — too many super-rich moving here to avoid taxes could draw congressional scrutiny.
And he's not surprised big honchos aren't flocking to his island. "Moving somebody from New York to Puerto Rico, that's very difficult, that's very difficult. Moving somebody from Kansas to Puerto Rico [or] from North Carolina to Puerto Rico — it's a different story," he says, chuckling.
But as the word spreads, he says, millionaires are calling his office.
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Transcript
ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:
From NPR News, this is ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. I'm Robert Siegel.
AUDIE CORNISH, HOST:
And I'm Audie Cornish.
Puerto Rico is pitching itself as a land of opportunity for the wealthy. The Caribbean island is a U.S. territory but not a state. It follows many of the same laws as the mainland but not when it comes to taxes. Puerto Rico makes its own tax rules. And it's trying to attract investors with this offer: remain a U.S. citizen but pay next to nothing in taxes. NPR's Dan Bobkoff went to Puerto Rico to learn about it.
DAN BOBKOFF, BYLINE: A few weeks ago, Puerto Rico's secretary of economic development came to New York for an ambitious 48-hour road show of sorts. Alberto Baco Bague met with hedge fund managers, bankers.
ALBERTO BACO BAGUE: We will have (unintelligible) meetings.
BOBKOFF: Trying to convince the wealthy New Yorkers that they should uproot themselves from Manhattan and relocate to Puerto Rico. For him, this is about getting some more money into his island.
BAGUE: We are a poor island, and this is our way of developing employment in Puerto Rico. We are very serious about that.
BOBKOFF: And he has a pretty enticing carrot. Once you moved to the island, all of your investment income - capital gains, dividends and the like - is completely tax-free. Plus, service income, say a hedge fund's management fees, is taxed at just 4 percent. And as it is for all Puerto Rico residents, no federal income tax. But the catch is you really have to live there.
Hi there. Dan Bobkoff. Nice to meet you.
UNIDENTIFIED MAN: Hey. How are you? Nice to meet you.
BOBKOFF: How are you?
So I came to Puerto Rico to find out if this plan has a chance of working, both for the island and the new residents. Real estate agent Paco Diaz picked me up in his late-model BMW to simulate the perspective investor experience.
What are the homes' costs in an area like this?
PACO DIAZ: They are expensive. There is a house from here, the asking price is $3.2 million.
BOBKOFF: Diaz is driving me around one of the island's toniest neighborhoods. Condado is prime oceanfront property in the capital of San Juan. Diaz is with Trillion Realty Group, the local affiliate of Christie's. This is high-end stuff, and people thinking of moving for the tax deals often end up in his car. We pass resort hotels, new condo buildings and high-end stores.
DIAZ: This segment here is what we call the Puerto Rican version of the Fifth Avenue.
BOBKOFF: Fifth Avenue doesn't have anything to worry about. But one block does feature Louis Vuitton and Cartier. The rules say, to take advantage of the tax breaks, you have to live in Puerto Rico at least 183 days a year. You have to prove you're really part of the community. Your spouse must live with you. Your kids must go to local schools. Some of the best, like the private Saint John's School, are just feet from the ocean.
DIAZ: They just go across the street and - with their surfing boards to catch some waves.
BOBKOFF: Some of the students were spending the afternoon at a surfing school.
(SOUNDBITE OF CHILDREN CHEERING)
BOBKOFF: Tax incentives are nothing new to Puerto Rico. For decades, tax breaks brought manufacturing and pharmaceutical firms to the island. But many have been phased out, and some officials believe that's one reason the island's recession has been so deep. Unemployment is nearly 14 percent. The average income is about half that of Mississippi. The hope is a few super-rich guys will help turn some of that around and beef up the service and financial sector.
DAMON VICKERS: I love it. I love Puerto Rico. I love the climate. I love the people. I love the energy of the place.
BOBKOFF: I found Damon Vickers sipping freshly squeezed juice by the pool at La Concha, a resort in the Condado area. Vickers runs a hedge fund and moved both himself and the fund from Seattle to Puerto Rico a couple of months ago. He says it was about simple math.
VICKERS: I like making money. And we want to go to a place where our money is treated the best, you know, so that we might benefit ourselves, and we might also benefit our investors.
BOBKOFF: At first, Puerto Rico wasn't even on his radar. He had been eyeing the U.S. Virgin Islands for its tax breaks before he learned of Puerto Rico's incentives. His family will join him here soon, and his friends in the investing world are watching closely to see how he fares. Many investors are unaware the island even has a financial district and modern highways and shopping malls. Once they learn more, many worry about the crime, a murder rate six times the U.S. average. And, given its gritty reputation, word hasn't gotten out that the wealthy can live so well here.
DIAZ: This is a - what is called a good rain.
BOBKOFF: Amid a tropical downpour, realtor Paco Diaz takes me outside San Juan to the lush suburb of Dorado. He hands me off to his colleague Coco Millares.
COCO MILLARES: This is Ricky Martin's house.
BOBKOFF: Many of the investors moving to Puerto Rico are opting to live here. It's a gated community on steroids. Past its guards: lush palm trees, golf courses, private beach clubs and a water park. A few nights at the Ritz Carlton Resort here will cost you about what the average Puerto Rican makes in a year. And the tax offer is already boosting her business.
MILLARES: We have had, since they passed the law, much more interest in Dorado than we had before.
BOBKOFF: But back in San Juan, where locals gather on Friday nights to sing and dance by the port, I was surprised so few residents had even heard of these tax breaks. When I told them, their reactions were mixed. One thought it could bring some much-needed money to the island. But others were resentful.
ESTEFANIA COLON: I don't think it's a good idea at all.
BOBKOFF: Estefania Colon works in a restaurant and thinks it's unfair for locals to pay taxes while the newcomers do not.
COLON: They're already rich, and they're making more money from us?
BOBKOFF: The zero percent tax on investment income and the 4 percent corporate tax went into effect at the start of 2012. The goal is for 500 wealthy investors to come in the next four years. So far, 77 have applied. The investment tax breaks are guaranteed until 2036.
Only congressional action or granting Puerto Rico statehood would put a stop to them. With neither looking likely in the short term, the hope is the wealthy newcomers will buy real estate, eat at restaurants, hire locals and eventually maybe even invest their own money in big projects on the island. But Mauro Guillen of the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School thinks Puerto Rico officials are being a bit optimistic about the direct effects.
MAURO GUILLEN: It is not going to create a major migration to Puerto Rico.
BOBKOFF: He says the biggest boom could be indirect. Even if just a few people move, it could change the conversation about the island.
GUILLEN: Puerto Rico will be making the headlines. It will be perceived as a location where you should do business in.
BOBKOFF: Lawyer Fernando Goyco, who advises many of the investors, says it's millionaires, not billionaires, who are showing the most interest. And that could be a good thing for Puerto Rico, he says. Too many super-rich moving to avoid taxes could draw congressional scrutiny. So far, he says, it's not the big honchos coming to his island.
FERNANDO GOYCO: Moving somebody from New York to Puerto Rico, that's very difficult. That's very difficult. Moving somebody from Kansas to Puerto Rico, from North Carolina to Puerto Rico is a different story.
(LAUGHTER)
BOBKOFF: But as the word spreads, he says millionaires are calling. Dan Bobkoff, NPR News. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.
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Lawsuit filed in Puerto Rico slaying of US banker: Associated Press Business News

Lawsuit filed in Puerto Rico slaying of US banker: Associated Press Business News

Lawsuit filed in Puerto Rico slaying of US banker: Associated Press Business News

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SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico (AP) - The widow of a U.S. banking executive slain in a drive-by shooting in Puerto Rico has filed a wrongful death lawsuit against the bank's CEO and other high-ranking officials.
The federal lawsuit marks the first time that a potential motive has been given for the high-profile killing. The suit comes two years after Maurice Spagnoletti, an executive vice president at Doral Bank, was repeatedly shot as he drove his Lexus on one of San Juan's busiest highways.
New Jersey-based attorney Alan Zegas said in a phone interview Tuesday that the defendants have about a month to respond.
Local FBI spokesman Moises Quinones said the agency is still investigating the killing, which police said they believe was professionally orchestrated. No one has been arrested.
Puerto Rico-based Doral Financial Corporation rejected the lawsuit and its allegations.
"It is false, frivolous and has absolutely no legal basis," the company said in a statement, adding that it has cooperated with authorities. "(We) are confident that we will prevail against this malicious and reckless action that has no basis."
Marisa Spagnoletti says in the lawsuit filed last week that her husband was investigating what he suspected were improper transactions before he was killed. "Spagnoletti continually questioned the accounting practices of the firm, as he did not believe the reporting to be accurate," she says.
She also alleges that two days after her husband was killed, as she got ready to fly to New Jersey, a person who worked with Doral security approached her at the San Juan airport and said he knew of a plan to kill her husband and that another bank security official was involved.
The lawsuit alleges that Spagnoletti repeatedly raised concerns about loan and profit reporting with CEO Glen Wakeman, but was rebuffed. It also alleges that Spagnoletti believed funds were being improperly disbursed, up to $30,000 a week for services not rendered.
Spagnoletti also allegedly discovered that the bank was offering different rates to different clients, and that it issued a $1 million loan to a woman who claimed a nonexistent hotel as collateral.
The lawsuit alleges that Enrique Ubarri Baragano, the bank's executive vice president and chief counsel, had tried to block Spagnoletti from reporting his concerns. It also says that Ubarri and Spagnoletti had argued about Annelise Figueroa, then the bank's executive vice president of facilities and operations. Wakeman allegedly had ordered Spagnoletti to fire her but Ubarri opposed the move.
"Spagnoletti lived in fear of imminent death and suffered mental anguish prior to being shot multiple times while driving alone in his car," the suit says.
Doral spokeswoman Lucienne Gigante said that all those named in the lawsuit still work at Doral except for Figueroa.
Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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The Strange Case of Puerto Rico and the Death Penalty · Global Voices

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[All links lead to Spanish-language pages unless otherwise noted.]
During the “5º Congreso Contra la Pena de Muerte” (5th World Congress Against the Death Penalty), held recently in Madrid, Spain, participants assembled to discuss the status of Puerto Rico. In this third and last part of a collaborative effort between Periodismo Ciudadano (PC) and Global Voices in Spanish, PC reporter Elisa Moreno Gil interviews Puerto Rican attorneys and activists in order to understand this Caribbean country's special situation with respect to the imposition of the death penalty in the federal court system. To access other articles in this series, click here and here.
Owing to its colonial history and its current relationship with the United States, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is not free to fully exercise the second article of its constitution, which establishes the abolition of the death penalty.
During the 5th World Congress Against the Death Penalty in Madrid, Spain, we interviewed the following representatives for insight into Puerto Rico's difficult position in dealing with capital punishment cases: Carmelo Campos Cruz, president of the Comisión sobre los Derechos de las Víctimas de Delito (Commission on the Rights of Crime Victims) formed by the Colegio de Abogados de Puerto Rico (Puerto Rico Bar Association); Kevin M. Rivera Medina, president of the Comisión sobre la Pena de Muerte (Commission on the Death Penalty), also formed by the Puerto Rico Bar Association; and Evelyn Román of Amnesty International.
De izquierda a derecha: Carmelo Campos Cruz, Evelyn Román y Kevin Miguel Rivera Medina.
Left to right: Carmelo Campos Cruz, Evelyn Román, and Kevin Miguel Rivera Medina.
In his presentation entitled “Puerto Rico, the Death Penalty's Hidden Dimension”, Carmelo Campos Cruz spoke about how the United States Congress enacts legislation that overrides the will of the Puerto Rican people. In Puerto Rico, capital punishment may be applied on the island in certain cases that fall within US federal jurisdiction.
Puerto Rico has not executed any of its prison inmates since 1927, in spite of being a country with one of the highest crime rates. Not even recent multiple shootings such as La Tómbola have managed to sway Puerto Ricans in support of the capital punishment option in federal court.
Periodismo Ciudadano (PC): These conferences have wide-ranging implications for the international community, but they are usually held in European countries such as France or Spain. What impact do they have in Latin America, particularly in Puerto Rico?
Carmelo Campos-Cruz (CC): En el caso de América Latina donde se ha abolido (la pena de muerte) en todos los países, excepto Cuba y Guatemala, el impacto que tiene no es tanto, no es un asunto que se hable mucho en la región.  En el caso de Puerto Rico es importante porque nosotros tenemos la aplicación de la pena de muerte no por nuestros tribunales sino por imposición del Gobierno de los Estados Unidos; así que, estar en este tipo de actividades, compartir con compañeros y compañeras de otras organizaciones, conocer sus experiencias, hacer alianzas… es un ingrediente importantísimo para nosotros poder ser efectivos en nuestra lucha en nuestra patria.
Carmelo Campos-Cruz (CC): In the case of Latin America, where [the death penalty] has been abolished in all countries but Cuba and Guatemala, the impact is not so great, it's not an issue that gets talked about often in the region. In the case of Puerto Rico it's important because we have the application of the death penalty, not by our own courts, but through the imposition of the United States government; so participating in these kinds of activities, sharing with colleagues from other organizations, learning about their experiences, establishing partnerships…it's an incredibly important element for us to be able to be effective in our struggle in our own country.
PC:  Fifty-four percent of the Puerto Rican population maintains an abolitionist posture. However, this figure has diminished by ten percentage points during the past few years [according to a survey published by the Spanish newspaper El País on April 12, 2013]. Do you believe this is due to US influence on the island?
CC: Las estadísticas hay que saber cómo tratarlas. La otra encuesta que te estabas refiriendo estaba hecha con una metodología diferente. En esta encuesta no es solamente sí y no, sino que hay “en algunas circunstancias”, “no sé”. Si fueran a calibrarse seguramente serían resultados bastante similares.
Pero vamos a asumir la premisa de la pregunta, de que ha descendido 10 puntos. Es que Puerto Rico se encuentra en un momento donde la criminalidad es muy elevada, es de los países con la tasa de asesinatos más alta, con una tasa de resolución de asesinatos muy baja, un sentido de impunidad muy alto, lo que es una frustración que puede llevar al pueblo a reclamar ese tipo de medidas, que son inefectivas y van contra los derechos humanos, pero que sin una educación efectiva son traídas a la mesa para discusión.
CC: One has to know how to interpret statistics. The survey you were referring to was conducted using a different methodology. In that survey, respondents didn't just answer “yes” or “no”; there were the additional options of “in some circumstances” and “not sure.”  If the two surveys had been equally calibrated, they certainly would have yielded similar results.
But let's assume the premise of your question, that there has been a ten-point drop. Puerto Rico is currently going through a period of elevated crime, it's a country with one of the highest murder rates, a very low murder resolution rate, and a very high sense of impunity among criminals, and this is a frustration that might lead the people to demand these kinds of measures, which are ineffective and violate human rights, but without effective education get brought to the table for discussion.
PC: What does the term “locally inapplicable” mean for you?
CC: Estás haciendo referencia a un término que se utiliza en el Artículo 9 de la Ley de Relaciones Federales con Puerto Rico, que es la ley del Gobierno de EEUU que rige las relaciones entre puerto Rico y EEUU. Y ese artículo dice que las leyes que no sean “localmente inaplicables” van a aplicar. La realidad es que por las decisiones de los propios tribunales estadounidenses, es el propio Congreso quién decide cuáles leyes son inaplicables y cuáles no. Así que, un ejemplo bastante craso de lo que es la falta de autodeterminación de un pueblo cuanto aún lo que aplique o no lo que aplique está en la potestad de otra parte.
CC: You're referring to a term that is used in Article 9 of the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act, which is the US government's law that guides the relations between Puerto Rico the United States. And that article states that any law which is not “locally inapplicable” can be implemented. The reality is that because the decisions are made in those same US courts, it is that same Congress that gets to decide which laws are inapplicable and which are not. So, it amounts to a fairly serious case of a population's lack of self-determination when the other side keeps the authority to decide what applies or doesn't apply.
PC: One last question: Why do you think Puerto Rico stands out for its high number of citizens in favor of abolition? Does it come down to education, or to tradition, perhaps?
CC: Eso no es algo nuevo. Si analizamos la historia de la imposición de la pena de muerte en Puerto Rico y de actos en contra de esa imposición de la pena de muerte. Desde el siglo XVI se documentaron casos del pueblo, de sacerdotes tratando de arrebatar gente que están a punto de ser ahorcados. A principios del siglo XX de carpinteros que se negaban a construir los cadalsos para el ahorcamiento, de ferreterías que se negaban a vender maderas para hacer cadalsos, de telegrafistas que se negaban a transmitir la información de si se había realizado una ejecución o no.
Yo creo que el hecho de ser una colonia pobre, primero bajo España, segundo bajo Estados Unidos, trae un sentido que se conoce de primera mano: la injusticia de parte del Gobierno, del Estado. Ese es el sentido de lo que tú planteas como justicia es totalmente arbitrario y que se tiene en dos varas, y que si eres pobre o eres negro vas a tener unas probabilidades mayores de ser ejecutado. Y eso se ha vivido en Puerto Rico hasta la última de las ejecuciones: que eran negros, mulatos, analfabetas. Pues yo creo que ese tipo de sensibilidad es la que nos lleva a decir: “no, esta no debe ser la alternativa. Por aquí no va la cosa.” Aun con unas tasas de asesinato bastante significativas. Esa es la reflexión que yo he podido hacer en estos años.
CC: This is nothing new. If we analyze the history of the death penalty's imposition in Puerto Rico and of actions taken to prevent it, we find that, back in the 16th century, there are documented instances of priests trying to snatch criminals from the gallows before they could be hanged. From the beginning of the twentieth century, we see cases of carpenters who refused to build platforms for hangings, of hardware suppliers who refused to sell wood for hanging platforms, and of telegraph operators who refused to transmit information about whether or not an execution had taken place.
I think Puerto Rico's position of being an impoverished colony, first under Spain, then under the United States, carried with it a sense of first-hand knowledge: injustice on the part of the government, on the part of the state. It was the sense that what you considered to be justice was totally arbitrary and was measured with two different yardsticks, and that if you were poor or if you were black, you were going to have a greater probability of being executed. And that was the experience in Puerto Rico up until the last of the executions: that those being killed were black, bi-racial, illiterate. Well, I think that kind of sensitivity is what brings us to say, “No, that should not be an alternative. That isn't a viable solution.” Even in the face of our high murder rate. I've been reflecting on these things over past few years.
Kevin M. Rivera Medina (KR): Hace sobre cien años, grupos que tuvieron mucho que ver con construir y desarrollar la nación portorriqueña estuvieron muy identificados con este derecho a la vida, en contra de la esclavitud también en muchos de ellos, y en contra de la pena de muerte. Ahí tenemos desde masones hasta grupos espiritistas, que desde muchísimo tiempo llevan esta lucha en contra de la pena de muerte. Así que sí, se ha desarrollado desde hace mucho tiempo. Lo otro, como muy bien decía Carmelo, cuando especialmente ya en tiempo recientes, cuando la pena de muerte quiere imponerse por encima de lo que son los deseos puestos en la Constitución de un pueblo, la gente reacciona y lo ve, de alguna manera, casi como un ataque a lo que es la idiosincrasia de un pueblo. Así que en ese sentido hay una importancia para nosotros como pueblo.
Ahora, hay una segunda importancia, y es la importancia de la experiencia portorriqueña para el resto del mundo, y es cómo un pueblo ha tenido que estar luchando contra imposiciones extranjeras sobre las cuales no ha podido decidir, no ha tenido ninguna representación y en ese sentido nosotros seguimos ahí firmes luchando por la vida. Y como aunque recientemente se ha querido seguir imponiendo la pena de muerte en Puerto Rico y, en este caso, por las autoridades federales de Estados Unidos, todavía hay jurados que en los casos más terribles, que más le duelen al pueblo, los casos criminales que realmente nos conmocionan como ciudadanos, nosotros decimos: “no, no, no, esa no puede ser la solución, nosotros no podemos estar matando para decir que matar es malo”.
Kevin M. Rivera Medina (KR): Over a hundred years ago, groups that had a lot to do with building and developing the Puerto Rican nation were greatly identified with their right to life, over and against the slavery in which many of them found themselves, against the death penalty. Here we see people ranging all the way from Masons to spiritualist groups, and they have carried this struggle against the death penalty with them from way back. So yes, it has been developing for a long time. Another thing, as Carmelo stated very well, is that now in more recent times, when the death penalty is trying to impose itself on the wishes of a people as written down in their constitution, people react to that kind of thing, and they view it, somehow, almost as an attack on what is the identity of their people. So in that sense, this carries an importance for us as a group.
Now, there is a second importance, and that is the importance of the Puerto Rican experience for the rest of the world; it has to do with how a group of people has had to fight against outside impositions without its approval, in which it has had no representation; this is the reason we continue to stand firm in our fight for life. And it has to do with how, although recently there has been a push for the continued imposition of the death penalty in Puerto Rico, this time by federal authorities from the United States, there are still juries in the most terrible cases, cases that cause the most pain for the people, criminal cases that truly move us as citizens, who can stand up and say, “No, no, no! That can't be the solution! We can't go around killing people to show that killing is bad.”
Evelyn Román (ER): Yo creo que es una combinación de la tradición abolicionista que tiene el país y en adición a la constante educación; tanto es verdad por la sociedad civil como por las organizaciones profesionales que trabajan en cuanto a esto, si eso se le suma a la cuestión de que la pena de muerte en Puerto Rico se podría aplicar por un país extranjero o por Estados Unidos, el pueblo va en contra de nuestras propias decisiones.
Evelyn Román (ER): I think it comes down to a combination of the country's abolitionist tradition combined with constant education; this holds true in civil society and well as in professional organizations that work to this end; add to that to our general apprehension that the death penalty could be imposed in Puerto Rico by a foreign country or by the United States, which would force us to act against our own decisions.
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Prensa Latina News Agency - Nicaraguan Petrocaribe Summit to Shape Economic Zone

Prensa Latina News Agency - Nicaraguan Petrocaribe Summit to Shape Economic Zone

Prensa Latina News Agency - Nicaraguan Petrocaribe Summit to Shape Economic Zone

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Nicaraguan Petrocaribe Summit to Shape Economic Zone29 de junio de 2013, 10:48Managua, June 29 (Prensa Latina) Petrocaribe, an unprecedented energy pact, will shape today the establishment of its economic zone during the 8th Summit of Heads of State and Government of the bloc.
Delegations from 20 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean are attending the event in Managua, started yesterday with technical debates and continuing today with a ministerial meeting prior to the presidential forum.
For the closing tomorrow, a special session has been scheduled on occasion of the eighth anniversary of Petrocaribe, created on June 29, 2005, and to pay tribute to late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, a main architect of the initiative along with Cuban leader Fidel Castro.
According to Nicaraguan Minister of Finances and Public Credit, Ivan Acosta, a main effort is aiming the construction of technical-legal foundations for the creation of the economic zone, proposed by Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro.
"We are focused on establishing more integration and trade in order to promote socioeconomic development based on solidarity, complementariness, recognition of asymmetries, technology transfer and reinforcement of productive chains, Acosta told journalists.
Deputy Manager of the joint venture Alba Nicaragua S.A. (Albanisa), Francisco Lopez, said the shaping of the economic space envisages promoting agricultural production, tourism, investments in energy, communications, infrastructural works, science and technology, among other areas.
He said that economic and commercial analysis respond to the common will to reduce and eliminate longstanding gaps of unfairness in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Petrocaribe groups Venezuela, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Suriname, Saint Lucia, Guatemala, Saint Kitts and Nevis and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
According to official figures, Venezuela's state-run oil and gas firm Petroleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA) supplies members of the bloc 3.5 percent of the three million crude barrels it produces daily for export.
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